GOVERNMENT DOES NOT INTEND TO RECOVER THE LOOT
GOVERNMENT DOES NOT INTEND TO RECOVER THE WOYOME/AUSTRO-INVEST LOOT: IT IS ALL JUST AN ELECTIONEERING CAMPAIGN
BY MARTIN A. B. K. AMIDU
Does the Ghana Government believe us to be so easily fooled that they concoct Woyome part payments of the judgment debt as smoke and mirrors for their election campaign? The people of Ghana should demand to know from Government how its Attorney General can - in enforcing the order of the Supreme Court for Woyome to refund the unconstitutional payments made to Woyome to the Republic of Ghana - accept a cheque of GHC4,000,000.00 drawn by Woyome dated 4th November 2016 in favour of the Economic and Organized Crime Office as part payment of the monies ordered by the Court to be refunded.
The Attorney General accepted the Economic and Organized Crime Office cheque from Woyome and gave a receipt acknowledging the payment “as part payment for the Judgment Debt of GHC51, 283,483.59.” The Access Bank (GH) East Cant cheque number 890081 and the Attorney General’s receipt which were exhibited to the Attorney General’s affidavit sworn by the Attorney General herself on 9th November 2016 as Exhibits “AG 7” and “AG7A” are attached herewith in PDF for the public to judge how any Attorney General, worth the name, can accept a cheque drawn on the Economic and Organized Crime Office which was not party to the action as part payment of the refund ordered by the Court on 29th July 2014 for the Republic.
I say with all the strength at my disposal that a cheque drawn by Woyome in favour of the Economic and Organized Crime Office, which was not a party to the action or the judgment creditor, cannot be a cheque in part payment of the unconstitutional monies ordered by the Court to be refunded to the Republic. The acceptance of the Economic and Organized Crime Office cheque by the Attorney General and the deception of the public by the Attorney General that it is part payment for the refund ordered by the Court brings into question the competence of the Attorney General and the Government in pursuit of the interest of the Republic. The whole scheme appears to have been cooked to defeat my application for leave to examine Woyome orally on oath. In the hurry of the Government and Woyome to defeat my application they could not even cover their tracks with a cheque drawn on the Ministry of Finance or the Accountant- General as custodian of the consolidated fund. The cheque could also have been drawn on the Registrar of the Supreme Court and paid into court for the Republic.
The foregoing is evidence, if evidence be needed, that the Attorney General and the Government are determined to kill the non-refund of the judgment debt as an election issue by cooking up the deceptive cheque and receipt to allow the status quo to continue. They are purposefully deceiving the electorate that efforts are being made to retrieve the unconstitutional loot by Woyome jointly with Austro-Invest, the client of Lithur-Brew and Co, a law firm in which the Attorney General was a partner. The law firm is also the President’s personal lawyer.
I am a senior and foundation member of the NDC, the Governing party. But I am compelled to put Ghana First and to defend the 1992 Constitution by saying that the only way Ghanaians can
have the Woyome/Austro-Invest joint loot refunded is to change the Government that created, looted and shared the loot with them during the Presidential elections this year. A new Government will prosecute Woyome under Article 2(3) and (4) of the 1992 Constitution for High Crime should he delay any further in refunding the unconstitutional loot. The new Government will also enforce the Waterville judgment debt of over Euro 47million loot or prosecute it for High Crime.
This is the only way out for Ghanaians to stand up for their Constitutional rights and to retrieve the unconstitutional monies created, looted and shared by this Government with its political party supporters who are now unconstitutional judgment debtors to the Republic. As a loyal NDC member, I will support most of my political party’s parliamentary candidates who have shown honesty and integrity to the Constitution. But I cannot in good conscience and in defence of the Constitution support its Presidential candidate to continue leading the looting of the public purse.
Fellow patriotic citizens, I fought for two long years for justice for the Constitution and for all of us and the Supreme Court eventually vindicated the public’s interest by ordering the refund of the unconstitutional loot to the Republic of Ghana. Unfortunately, the Government as the leading looter has put obstacles in our way in enforcing the orders of the Court. Fellow citizens, help me in the name of the Constitution to retrieve your money that was looted by voting for a new President. Let us protect our Constitutional rights and not be hoodwinked by electioneering ploys. Let us get our GHC51, 283, 483. 59 back.
Defend the 1992 Constitution by voting for a new President on 7th December 2016 to get our money back. God bless Ghana and put Ghana First!
Martin A. B. K. Amidu
President Mahama has benefitted from both Kissi Agyebeng and Dominic Ayine’s unethical and unprofessional conduct and cannot dispense with either of them no matter what evidence is put before him. The tension shall, therefore, continue despite the judgement of the supreme Court in Adamtey v Attorney-General as we saw from the spokesmen from the two institutions. The long game the Mahama government is playing with the constitutionality of the OSP and its reset agenda resembles the butcher who fears the knife syndrome preventive mentality. Time will tell!
This dialogue demonstrates with solid facts and evidence that President Mahama’s attempts to intimidate and silence me using public appointees and surrogates in the Asante Kwaku Berko-AKSA-Ghana Bribery deal discourse to cover-up the massive corruption will fail and has failed.
The conviction of Asante Kwaku Berko by the United States District Court Eastern District of New York on 6 August 2026 came as a surprise to the Mahama government which is now engaged in damage control using lies, fabrications, and propaganda to evade accountability. The Statement of the OSP at its media conference on 26 August 2026 at which the Special Prosecutor state inter alia that: “....We have been actively and carefully investigating the Ghanaian dimension....” is a barefaced lie being told by the government to swindle the public about an intention to kill any investigations into the AKSA-Ghana bribery deal.
A President elected to office under the auspices of the NDC automatically becomes the leader of the party but that does not give the President the authority to usurp the functions of the duly elected executive officers of the NDC. President Mahama and his handlers in the Jubilee House, therefore, have an obligation to explain to the public their reasons for nominating James Agalga in writing to the Speaker as Acting Majority Leader when he had no power under the Constitution to do so as President of Ghana.
EOCO as presently constituted and controlled by the Attorney-General is the worse vehicle for impartial apolitical investigation and prosecution of the Asante Berko-Aksa-Ghana bribery deal whether for corruption or money laundry. EOCO under its present leadership has been weaponized as the Ghanaian Gestapo for hunting down perceived adversaries through the process of criminal justice administration and protecting the government’s own appointees and supporters from prosecution. The evidence will be suppressed!
With the investigative tools and other tradecraft available to the GoG, a completed investigation docket must have been ready by the OSP for prosecution or other law enforcement agencies investigating other criminal aspects of the Asante Berko-AKSA-Ghana Bribery deal before the NDC won the 7 December 2024 elections. This case mysteriously disappeared from cases under investigation by the OSP and is not listed on its website today. President Mahama must, therefore, tell us what happened to the OSP investigation into the AKSA-Ghana bribery deal.
The purpose of this discourse is, therefore, to caution the public to hold their horses and refrain from speculating on what the Supreme Court decided in Adamtey v Attorney-General until the certified judgment becomes publicly available. Only then can there be an informed discourse on whether the Court really decided that Act 959 is constitutional in its entirety or found portions of it to be unconstitutional, and the reason for the unconstitutionality.
The interview of Mr. Kenneth Kuranchie on Joy News’ PM Express with Evan Mensah to dispel the credible perception that he brought the action as a camouflage to “seeking a third term for President Mahama” is a hard sell by him as I have demonstrated in this discourse. His action solicits the Supreme Court to usurp the expression of the will of the people at a national referendum with the substitution of a judicial decision contrary to the clear dictates of the 1992 Constitution. We the People can never be deceived by subterfuges!
The continued political witch-hunt against Ken Ofori-Atta by the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) and the Government of Ghana through sections of the rented Ghanaian media any time he prevailed in defending his rights under the INTERPOL and the US Immigration laws is nauseating and shameful.
The public is entitled to know the reasons Ms. Justice Akuffo assigned for her resignation to enable us to determine what the government had done to warrant the unprecedented step of a former Chief Justice resigning from the Council of State in the history of the 1992 Constitution. The Government also owes the people of Ghana an explanation for the delay in disclosing and informing the public of the tendering of her resignation.
Every election the NDC has won under the 1992 Constitution has consistently been based on promises to the electorate to implement policies anchored on the core values of probity, accountability, transparency, and social justice underpinning the 4 June 1979 Revolution and Constitution of the NDC: the 1992, 1996, 2008, 2012, and 2024 elections speak for themselves. The NDC’s ability to win the 2028 elections will depend on how the electorate perceives the party’s commitment to these values. It is too early for sycophancy, gloating, and flaunting of awards about successes when one remembers the adulations of the early years of the Akufo-Addo government.
Mr. Justice John Eugene Nyante Nyadu of the High Court, Accra, on 9 March 2026, when the parties appeared before him in the quo warranto application, adjourned the proceedings sine die. The public needs transparent and accountable answers because a Court that adjourns the hearing of a case sine die cannot reconvene out of the blue and create a situation where an already written substantive ruling is delivered by the Judge in the case the same day.
I feel very strongly that when an Interested Party or Parties join the case of Adamtey v the Attorney-General pending before the Supreme Court for determination and canvass the alternative perspective submitted in this discourse, the Supreme Court may come to the conclusion and decide that the Special Prosecutor has prosecutorial powers under Act 959 and L. I. 2374, particularly under Regulation 11 thereof.
I have firstly come to the considered conclusion that the originating notice of motion (the application for quo warranto) before the High Court which purported to begin the action did not disclose any locus standi and/or capacity in the Applicant against the Respondent to have grounded jurisdiction in the High Court to have entertained the application under Order 55 Rule 1(a) and (b), and Rule 2 (1) (b) of C. I. 47.
The US Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the independent counsel provisions of the Ethics in Government Act. 1978 in Morrison v Olson, 487 U.S. 654 (1988) and the Supreme Court of Ghana may be similarly persuaded that the Special Prosecutor who cannot be appointed by the President without being first nominated by the Attorney-General under Act 959 is thereby clothed with prosecutorial authority for the appointed tenure of seven years.
Insultingly, as though he was not speaking to the very electorate who made him President, President Mahama had the effrontery to flaunt before Ghanaians the unlawful acquisition of acres of land for cocoa farming in abuse of office under Articles 68 and 284 of the 1992 Constitution as an excuse for the indigent cocoa farmer to accept the government’s breaches of trust on the agreed producer price for the 2025/2026 season.
The objective truth vindicating me on the failure of the Asantehene’s Bawku Mediation came out of the President’s own mouth to the Chiefs of the Upper East Regional House of Chiefs on 10 February 2026 and is available on the electronic media that mediators whether traditional or whatever form of mediation cannot usurp the functions of arbitrators or adjudicators in making decisions binding on the parties to the mediation process. The law is the law!
Concerning the unlawful arrest and detention of Alhaji Abagre by the GAF from Bawku to Accra, where he is in the unlawful custody of the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB) who had to take steps to regularize his unconstitutional and unlawful abduction by moving the Circuit Court, Adenta on 26 December 2025 “praying for a detention order of the Accused Seidu Abagre@Naa Sheriga Kulga II pending investigations, upon the grounds contained in the supporting affidavit.”
President Mahama could have enforced the law on the existence of only one recognized Bawku-Naba as Overlord of the Bawku Traditional Area without enhancing the status of Alhaji Seidu Abagre “as a rival Bawku-Naaba for the Mamprusi people” as no such status is known to the law. The only lasting solution to the Bawku Affairs is to enforce the existing law in strict compliance with the 1992 Constitution and the laws of Ghana without reference to electoral political objectives.
I believe that no court would have ordered his continued detention merely because he shared any of my articles before and after the Bawku Mediation Report was presented to the public at the Jubilee House on 16 December 2025. It is, therefore, mischievous for any person or group of persons who published the press release in the name of the Nayiri to have referred to any of my articles as the reason for his arrest whilst I walk free.
Ghana deserves a government of laws and not of men. Morality has no place in such a design for transparent and accountable conflict resolution except where the law expressly includes the same moral principles. Unconstitutional state censorship cannot suppress the truth nor be a substitute for transparency and accountability of the elected to the electorate.
The Government of Ghana Statement on the Bawku Conflict Mediation Report of 17 October 2025 which has no constitutional or legal basis appears as a gargantuan political scam by the government on the Bawku Conflict to justify the needless deaths between 7 January 2025 and 16 December 2025 which in my estimation exceeds those of the past eight years under the previous regime.
The Bawku conflict is a different identity based and intractable conflict which has also seen political interferences under the 1992 Constitution which eventually led the country to the violence of October 2024 and where we are today trying to resolve the same conflict outside the framework provided for such conflicts under the 1992 Constitution.
Kissi Agyebeng has exposed his own incompetence and vindictiveness as the Special Prosecutor to the entire world in the manner in which he handled the allegations of corruption made by Martin Kpebu against him and the OSP he supervises. The consequence has been the massive public disapproval of his conduct in unlawfully arresting and detaining Martin Kpebu with the draconian bail condition of the production of a landed property in Martin Kpebu’s own name.
The passing of Madam Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings (Madam or Madam Rawlings) on 23 October was as unexpected, and heart wrenching as it was most shocking. There was no indication of illness or medical distress. Ghana lost her first and only true heroine of the 4 June and 31 December Revolutions, and under the Fourth Republican Constitution. May Madam Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings’ passing be the beginning of real reconciliation and remorse for the mistreatments of the past.
The whole of ECOWAS and indeed, Africa, needs to wake up to the reality of the times and the intelligence of the youth, many of whom are unemployed, but discerning. I keep on praying for Ghana and Africa. We failed in our time to take Ghana to the promised land and rather led it to where we are. Africa must learn lessons from each country's military and democratic failings. May peace and reason return to Bissau. I am praying for your safe return.
The charges filed in the High Court, Accra, by the OSP on Tuesday 18 November 2025 in the Strategic Mobilization Ghana Limited (SML) case has been variously alleged to be a camouflage for corruption involving in one case US$14 million, and to cover-up for the incompetence and misconduct of Kissi Agyebeng in applying for and placing Ken Ofori-Atta on an INTERPOL Red Notice on 5 June 2025.
I congratulate President Mahama for violating his own rules and promises in giving IGP Yohuno a two-year post-retirement contract. This is a typical example of the President’s exhibition of fidelity to his family, friends, and cronies as the core principle of his reset government agenda thus far. We-the-People can never be deceived all the time.
The approval by Parliament on Tuesday 18 November 2025 of a waiver of a 20% withholding tax and Value Added Tax (VAT) on the income of TCS, amounting to approximately $10.46 million was made on a contract adopted and renegotiated by President Mahama’s government based solely on the benefits accruable to the family, friends, and cronies of the government and the reciprocal diplomatic and international relationship capital to be gained from the transaction for the Ghanaian and Indian governments.
IGP Yohonu has been desperate for a post-retirement contract from the day of his appointment and is not, therefore, in a position to stand his ground to defend the responsibilities enjoined on him by Article 202 of the 1992 Constitution against presidential pressures or directives from his subordinate, a COP acting as the National Security Coordinator receiving instructions directly from President Mahama.